Donald Trump has promised his fellow citizens a very busy Monday filled with executive orders and radical course shifts.

What should we be paying attention to?

Joining me to answer that and other questions, McKay Coppins, my colleague and a staff writer at The Atlantic, Andrew Desiderio is a senior congressional reporter at Punchbowl News, Asma Khalid is a White House correspondent for NPR and a political contributor at ABC News, and Zolan Kanno-Youngs is a White House correspondent at The New York Times.

Thank you all for being here last show before inauguration, so only a few very cold days away from Trump becoming president again.

And I have to ask, Zolan, let me ask you the decision to move the inauguration inside, that has to hurt a guy who really cares, as we know, about crowd size.

ZOLAN KANNO-YOUNGS, White House Correspondent, The New York Times: Itús a tough pill to swallow, right?

I mean, look about eight years until the day when Sean Spicer came out and said one of the first, for the first -- one of the earliest times the administration tried to mislead the public by saying that the crowd size at Trumpús inauguration was bigger than what photographs in reality basically said what it was.

This time he will have to move inside.

We know that donors were also calling the Trump transition team today to try to figure out how they would make it inside the Rotunda.

But also crowd size may be why they moved this inside as well.

Not just the dangerous weather, but we know that if you have some of that cold weather, it also increases the chance of a more thin crowd, which obviously the president-elect does not want.

JEFFREY GOLDBERG: Right.

McKay, any thoughts on if heús relieved or upset?

MCKAY COPPINS, Staff Writer, The Atlantic: I mean, you know, I bet he would have liked the parade, right?

JEFFREY GOLDBERG: Who doesnút like a parade?

MCKAY COPPINS: If I had the chance to be in a parade, I think I would be sad if it was inside.

But, look, because so much of his identity is wrapped up in the biggest ever, the most amazing ever, the greatest ever, these superlatives, you know, he does not want -- and he knows about T.V.

He does not want camera shots of him standing in front of a relatively meager crowd of freezing people who, you know, arenút cheering as loud because itús so cold.

I think he understands the kind of theatrics of it, the showbiz element, and that could have contributed.

JEFFREY GOLDBERG: You know, heús also so sophisticated on these questions that he would remember that the first Obama inaugural was also on a horribly freezing day, many of us were there and we remember it, and he still had a million-plus people.

So, he would know that on the news the whole day would be look at this crowd and look at that crowd.

Itús interesting.

Itús interesting.

McKay, let me stay with you and I want to show you all something from eight years ago from President Trumpús first Inaugural.

Letús watch this.

DONALD TRUMP, U.S. President-Elect: The crime and the gangs and the drugs that have stolen too many lives and robbed our country of so much unrealized potential.

This American carnage stops right here and stops right now.

JEFFREY GOLDBERG: Very dramatic speech, obviously.

What sort of message should we expect to hear from Trump on Monday?

MCKAY COPPINS: Well, that speech, that clip you just showed, was really in keeping with the tone of his entire campaign in 2016, which was incredibly dark.

It was painting a very kind of bleak vision of America.

He said he alone was the one who could fix it.

He sounded a lot of those same themes in this campaign.

But when you talk to Republicans who are close to him, they are claiming that he will sound a more optimistic note in this inaugural.

Corey Lewandowski, who was his first campaign manager, has been in and out of his inner circle, has said that heús going to be talking about prosperity and security and painting a more hopeful vision for the future.

I will say that we should always take those things with a grain of salt because the reality is Republicans always want to project onto Donald Trump what they want to hear from him.

Weúll see if he tries to strike a more kind of morning in America Reaganite message.

Itús not in his wheelhouse, but he likes to surprise people.

JEFFREY GOLDBERG: Right.

Asma, what are you expecting?

ASMA KHALID, White House Correspondent, NPR: Yes.

I mean, I think by and large, this entire campaign cycle has felt different than it did in 2015-2016.

I mean, 2015-2016, remember he launched his campaign coming down that escalator, warning about Mexicans as criminals and rapists, said that Islam hates us.

There was a lot of dark, dark rhetoric.

I would say again, maybe some of the themes are there underlying this idea of putting through executive orders on day one around immigration.

But if you look at some of his major campaign speeches, if you look at his own speech, even frankly at the Republican convention, I do think, tonally, it sounded slightly more slightly more optimistic, I think, I mean, than he did in 2016.

You need to be careful.

JEFFREY GOLDBERG: Kinder, gentler Trump on Monday?

ANDREW DESIDERIO, Senior Congressional Reporter, Punchbowl News: Well, look, when you talk to Republicans on Capitol Hill, and what they would say is, look, you won the election, you helped us win the election, you helped us win our races, you helped us get the Senate majority back and keep the House majority, and we won on these issues that you talked about, on border security, for example, and all these other things that Republicans feel like they are sort of, you know, the public is with them on.

And so their message to him that they have not been saying necessarily publicly is to just focus on sort of the policy details.

And, again, these are wonky Republicans who just want to start with the pen right away and start writing their budget reconciliation bills on border security, on tax cuts and all that stuff.

And these are the Republicans like, for example, Senate Majority Leader John Thune, who is not a Trump Republican, he is not a MAGA Republican, has struck up a very close relationship and even friendship with John Thune in the name of achieving those traditional Republican policy goals.

And the message from Senator Thune and others in Republican leadership privately has been focused on the issues that we want on.

ZOLAN KANNO-YOUNGS: I donút know.

But like I was at that press conference in Mar-a-Lago after the election and I remember hearing from Trumpús allies say that weúre going to hear a more presidential tone in talking about policies.

And then it was the second press conference, he went into a 20-minute rant about retribution and about Jack Smith and what have you.

And I feel like thereús been multiple times over the past couple of years that weúve heard that this is sort of a different era here, but then we see a flashback to the last administration.

JEFFREY GOLDBERG: And it was kind of a fool me 1,200 times, you know, yes.

ANDREW DESIDERIO: They want it to be a different era.

JEFFREY GOLDBERG: Everybody want - - they want everybody around you.

MCKAY COPPINS: Itús projection.

Itús always the Republicans want him to do.

ASMA KHALID: Republicans themselves do feel more like upbeat and optimistic about the country.

JEFFREY GOLDBERG: Well, theyúve won pretty nicely.

ASMA KHALID: In 2016, it was fairly.

Thatús what I was going to say.

I mean, they feel more upbeat.

And I think he ran and one I would argue with a wider demographic tent than he did in 2016 too.

And so, whether or not heús aware and conscious of that as he takes office, weúll have to watch.

JEFFREY GOLDBERG: One thing to watch for, I think, and all of you watch him very carefully, is if he veers from the teleprompter.

Whatús going to, whatús going to be on the teleprompter is going to be what everybody decided he should say, but heús a standup comic and heús an extemporaneous speaker and he has a thought and heúll veer and -- MCKAY COPPINS: Well, the best example of this is his acceptance speech at the Republican National Convention this last year, right?

I mean, he came out, he had just survived an assassination attempt, everybody thought he was going to, you know, be more presidential and sober.

And he started out that way.

And within 20 minutes he was, the teleprompter had stopped rolling and he was off and, you know, the speech was like over an hour long.

Will he do that with his inaugural?

I donút know.

I recall that he was -- he stayed relatively on script in his first one.

Whether heúll do that this time, weúll see.

JEFFREY GOLDBERG: Right.

Zolan, I want to ask about you -- I want to ask you some questions about your reporting on immigration over the past couple of weeks.

We know, obviously, theyúve telegraphed this pretty strongly, that there are going to be some dramatic steps taken on immigration.

Talk about a couple of those, including the things that youúve been reporting on.

ZOLAN KANNO-YOUNGS: Sure.

Youúre going to see a flurry of executive orders in the early days of the Trump presidency on immigration.

And they are looking at the past when he was last in office, trying to resurrect some of those proposals, but going even a step further.

So, an example, the Trump used a public health emergency to rapidly turn away migrants at the U.S.-Mexico border when he was last in office.

We had a public health emergency.

It was -- JEFFREY GOLDBERG: That was at the outset of the pandemic.

ZOLAN KANNO-YOUNGS: Thatús correct.

Thatús correct.

It was the coronavirus.

They cited that to use this obscure law.

However, Stephen Miller had actually tried to use that law previously reaching for different diseases, the flu, measles, and it didnút work.

He was talked out by cabinet officials.

Well, for the past few months, weúve been reporting and found out that Miller and basically the Trump camp has been trying to do this again, reaching out to the Border Patrol, trying to survey American communities that have received migrants as well in recent years and basically asking immigration officials, hey, tell us what youúre seeing at the border.

But itús going to be tough.

I mean, this - - youúre going to have to convince public health officials that you can do this with sporadic individual cases of illnesses as well as the courts.

Both of those institutions have scrutinized this, the use of this rule at the board before.

But I say this to say that they are reaching and trying to be creative when it comes to accomplishing some of these immigration methods.

JEFFREY GOLDBERG: Well, this is a very interesting question, Asma.

The last time they tripped over themselves in trying to -- the so-called Muslim ban being -- ASMA KHALID: The first weekend.

JEFFREY GOLDBERG: Being -- yes.

They rushed a policy.

It didnút work.

It made a lot of noise.

But do you see -- and I use this term advisedly, but do you see them having greater success in implementing some of their early immigration goals?

ASMA KHALID: I mean, there were lessons learned, and Zolan cited Stephen Miller, for example.

Stephen Miller is known as sort of the architect of many of these hardline immigration policies -- JEFFREY GOLDBERG: A very, very smart policy analyst.

ASMA KHALID: -- that was tied to the so-called, you know, Muslim travel ban.

And as you said, I mean, that didnút work, didnút work.

They changed it.

It ultimately went up to the Supreme Court and was upheld in the courts, a version of it was.

But I think, broadly, you have some advisers who were a part of that first administration who have learned how to more strategically navigate the executive branch, and I would argue even navigate the judiciary.

ZOLAN KANNO-YOUNGS: And itús important to note, they have been working on this since Trump left office last time around.

JEFFREY GOLDBERG: Theyúve had four years of preparation time, McKay?

MCKAY COPPINS: I would just add one wrinkle to this is that Stephen Miller -- I profiled him during the first Trump term and spent a lot of time talking to him.

And one thing that he said that was really interesting to me is that, you know, I had talked to him about his kind of years as a teenage troll and, you know, he was a political contrarian at his high school and on campus, and he talked about how he had carried that ethos of provocation and controversy for the sake of enlightenment, this was his words, into policymaking.

And so if you asked him about the Muslim ban and the chaos that unfolded, and, you know, the legal battles and everything, I donút think he would see that as a defeat.

I think he would see that as a win, because it drew a bunch of attention to something that he thinks is really important, right?

And so, I would not be surprised if in these opening weeks we see really provocative, noisy, high-profile, for example, raids, you know, ICE raids, or other -- ZOLAN KANNO-YOUNGS: A national emergency at the border.

MCKAY COPPINS: Yes, things that are designed to draw the national attention to him.

JEFFREY GOLDBERG: No, itús true.

Miller is good on policy.

He studies -- but heús also a showman.

Not quite the showman that his boss is, but he does know -- MCKAY COPPINS: Behind the scenes, but he cares about that.

JEFFREY GOLDBERG: He does know.

I want to get to TikTok in one second.

But staying on immigration, whatús the most dramatic thing, Andrew, that you think we might we might see in the first seven days or so on immigration?

ANDREW DESIDERIO: Well, look, I think all of what has been mentioned is definitely fair game here.

Congress is going to have a role to play in terms of attaching funding to some of these, right?

I think if Congress takes too long with the budget reconciliation process to approve more border funding or more funding to help Trump execute some of these executive orders, heús going to realize that a lot of them are pretty meaningless, because some executive orders, you know, if itús a policy change, theyúll have an immediate impact, right?

Others, again, designed to make noise, but really donút have an impact unless they are attached to funding.

And the goal of Republican leadership, at least in the Senate, is to convince Trump to change his strategy when it comes to budget reconciliation and have Republicans address the border first and wait on tax cuts later, and thatús what theyúre trying to do.

JEFFREY GOLDBERG: Just explain one thing.

Why is it so expensive to carry some of these things out?

ANDREW DESIDERIO: Well, look, you need detention beds, ICE needs more funding.

Youúre going to have to hire -- JEFFREY GOLDBERG: Youúre talking about if theyúre large scale raids, as theyúve been.

ANDREW DESIDERIO: Right, exactly.

Itús not going to be something that can just be done with a flip of a switch.

Congress is the only entity that can authorize and then appropriate this funding.

And that is obviously something that Trump wants very much, the people around him want very much, Stephen Miller, Russ Vought, who is going to be his budget director coming in.

Theyúre going to do everything they can, even with existing funding and existing law to try to, again, maybe even redirect some funding thatús meant for one thing and try to use it for the border, like they did during Trumpús -- yes, during Trumpús first term.